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Libertarian calendar for August 2015

26 Aug

August 26
Washington, D.C.

Liberty on the Rocks
5:30 pm

  • RFD

    810 7th St NW, Washington, District of Columbia 20001
What does August mean in DC? August recess, the end of summer, and back to school time! Join Liberty on the Rocks as we savor the last days of August recess and summer, the last days in town before we head out for Labor Day, and the last days in town for our summer interns. The stale heat of DC will soon turn into a brisk fall breeze. Come enjoy one last drink before we say good-bye to summer and regale over all the memories we made this summer!

Happy hour specials, and we’ll have the front area near the entrance!

August 27
Rumney, New Hampshire

A call to rally A political gathering of a culture of people Its our political rights and freedom we want . I be their at to help organize our people for our freedom and political rights . Look for our banner “ A CALL TO RALLY REPORT IN HERE” As one of the volunteers and one of the political workers for our people we be looking for people to join us in getting our freedom and political rights and to find ways to get laws for the people by our people to help us not against us . Join us and help spark up the flame for liberty and freedom for our people. Four Days of camping, 40 bands and a political party. Be a part of our getting freedom for the people.


August 1-30

Libertarian registration drive

As more and more polls are indicating that voters no longer identify with the two major parties – it’s a great time to get out and tell more people about the Libertarian Party of Florida (LPF)!

To encourage participation and help the Libertarian Party of Florida register more new LPF voters, the Membership Committee is hosting the LPF 2015 Voter Registration Drive with cash incentives plus media and graphic design support. Our goal is to raise LPF voter registrations by 30 percent per year before November 30!

Please join this event to receive updates, as it will be used as “Registration Drive Central” – a place where everyone can share graphics, tips and information that will be helpful to all in this registration drive.

INCENTIVES!: The Membership Committee is offering two $250 prizes. Affiliate participation is optional. The prizes will be awarded to the affiliate with the largest percentage increase in LPF Florida registrations from June 30 through November 30, 2015. If there is no established affiliate in the winning county, the money will be held until affiliation. There will be two divisions — one Large County division and one Small County division. Large Counties will be those with over the average population; Small Counties will be those with below average population.

Thanks for all your hard work and dedication! It’s a great time to be Libertarian. Tell a friend, or two, or twenty! 😉

How to register Libertarian

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We’ve got what you need on your registration event tables!
Already printed and ready to ship:
4″ x 9″ rack cards – 1250 for $32 (+ shipping) – or you can pick them up if you’re near Lee, Collier or Pasco county.
Post your requests here and we’ll get them into your hands!

Libertarian Party of Florida's photo.


August 25
West Babylon, NY

Suffolk County Libertarian Party
7:00 PM
1025 W Montauk Hwy
West Babylon, NY 11704

August 29

John Locke’s birthday. 

Born in 1632, confirmed bachelor John Locke was a scholar and tutor supported by wealthy patrons, and the father of classical liberalism.  The Foundation named after him today provides the following:

That the John Locke Foundation is named after the 17th century English political philosopher is no mere coincidence; the man was an intellectual titan, one whose thoughts and ideas can be found throughout our country’s earliest political documents, including and especially the Declaration of Independence.
Still, there seems to be some confusion today as to who John Locke is. More than once, someone has called our office and asked to speak to “Mr. Locke” as if he had named the organization after himself.
In an effort to mitigate some of this confusion, we’ve prepared this collection of annotated sources — both original works of Locke and later books and papers — as a resource. We hope it proves just as useful to high school and college students writing papers for school as to the independent scholar who wishes to learn more about this brilliant and influential man.
Below are links to sections of this page on resources for students and curious adults:

Libertarian Populism’s Female Problem

9 Aug
Purloined from HuffPoo in case you missed it:

Posted: 08/07/2013

External Image
Libertarian Populism’s Female Problem | Lori Sanders
Te problem with libertarian populism, as it exists so far, isn’t so much the policy prescriptions. The problem is that the story is a boy’s story.
via The Huffington Post

In the search for a fresh GOP narrative after 2012′s losses, “libertarian populism” has emerged as perhaps the most viable alternative, partially because it already has a few potential advocates in Congress. Development of the libertarian populist platform is well underway, and includes such encouraging ideas as breaking up the big banks and ending the drug war.
But the problem with libertarian populism, as it exists so far, isn’t so much the policy prescriptions. The problem is that the story is a boy’s story.
Like most populist movements, libertarian populism is consumed with an elite, entrenched ruling class that has centralized power and is using that control to hold on to their status. For libertarian populists, that privileged class is made of all the big interests — large corporations, big government and big labor — who use their resources to lobby, influence regulation and craft legislation that keeps their pockets lined while harming everyone else, from the middle class on down.
The solution, argues libertarian populist Ben Domenech, is “to tear down efforts of big government and big business, root and branch.”
It’s undeniably true that consolidated wealth and power have been gathering force in the United States. Economic mobility is falling, while the share of national income controlled by the 1 percent continues to rise.
But even taking these facts at face value, any tale that looks to rally the pitchfork brigade against the various groups at the top is, by its very nature, going to be abrasive and confrontational. It creates a simple narrative of “man versus the system,” the hero fighting against the abuses of a corrupt regime. The Washington Examiner‘s Tim Carney, one of the first to lay out the case for libertarian populism after the 2012 election, framed the idea as such:

The new Republican populism should declare war on the cronies and special interests who use big government to rig the game in their favor and deny opportunity to those trying to climb the ladder and live the American dream.

Now, it isn’t that women aren’t cognizant of the very real ways that institutions can be rigged against them. After all, we’re not so far from entrenched institutional paternalism that kept (and in some ways, still keeps) women’s voices from being heard. It’s just that framing the problem this way isn’t likely to connect with women. There’s a reason, after all, that Rocky and Rudy don’t typically rank very high on most women’s lists of favorite movies. It’s just not a story that intrinsically resonates.
Of course, there is no generic “female” personality that is completely distinct from the “male” personality. But it’s relatively uncontroversial to assert, based on a wealth of surveys and psychological profiles, that men and women tend to respond differently to different kinds of narratives. Whether that’s more the result of nature or nurture is a separate debate, and one that’s ultimately not terribly relevant to the matter at hand. If libertarian populism isn’t pitched in a way that appeals to women, then it’s unlikely to prove terribly helpful to Republicans, who desperately need to make inroads with the single largest demographic bloc that has turned its back on the party.
Commencing with the broad generalizations: women are more likely than men to see shades of gray. While they may agree that it is far to hard for those in the bottom 95 percent economically to rise to the top, they’ll tend to reject overly simplistic conspiracy theories in favor of recognizing that the causes are likely to be complicated.
For example, while teachers’ unions do frequently stand in the way of educational reform, the factors that contribute to failing schools are numerous and intricate. Women who interact with school bureaucracy may find it difficult and frustrating, and certainly some teachers do embody the worst of that bureaucracy. But moms simply aren’t going to buy into narratives that demonize teachers when they can see firsthand that many are good-intentioned public servants struggling to succeed in a complex environment, while saddled by paperwork and often out-of-touch standards.
The same complexity applies to many other issues where libertarian populist rhetoric pushes an “us versus them” storyline. As the New York Times‘ Ross Douthat notes:

Principle matters, but context matters too, and conservatives simply cannot make economic policy successfully (or credibly cast themselves as a populist party on these issues) if they ignore the actual performance of the American economy over the last generation, and if they refuse to see that distributional issues as well as arguments from efficiency and liberty have to play a role in the way that we reform our tax code and our welfare state.

Other research has found women are more trusting than men and consistently score higher in sensitivity than men do. Libertarian populism rests on the idea that mistrust of the system will lead people to tear it down, rather than fix it. At the moment, Americans’ level of confidence in government and other institutions is relatively low, but these things are cyclical and have been in flux for decades, if not centuries. Back in 1997, Charles Murraynoted in the Wall Street Journal that 74 percent of Americans believed government was run for the benefit of a few big interests.
Mistrust of those currently in power shouldn’t be conflated with long-term mistrust of the system in general and in our ability to change it for the better. This is particularly important to bear in mind when crafting solutions that will appeal to women, who tend to be slightly more anxious and, on average, more risk-averse than men. Take, for example, this passage from a piece Domenech wrote recently for Real Clear Politics:

Where the traditional trends of Thomas Dewey tend Republicanism toward fixing the institutions of government and society, this new strand had more in common with Charles Murray, whose ‘What It Means to Be a Libertarian’ makes the case not for fixing the departments of Commerce, Agriculture, Energy, and Housing and Urban Development, but for eliminating them and replacing them with, and I quote, ‘Nothing.’

Women may have voted for the “hope and change” offered by candidate Obama, but his message came with a clear understanding of who would act to bring about that change: government. The libertarian populist rhetoric, on the other hand, advocates a complete winding down of something that is known (though admittedly failing) in favor of returning power to state and community structures that, in some communities, just don’t exist anymore. A natural impulse of women is to worry and wonder about what happens next, particularly for their own families but also for the poor, in whatever in-between stage of indeterminate length the populists have in mind.
It is true that high levels of anxiety could help libertarian populists attract some interest in their cause. The myriad factors stacked against even a firmly planted middle class family are overwhelming. Between the rising costs of college tuition, health care and energy prices, the future for those without access to upper-class resources looks bleak.
But it isn’t clear that this gives an edge to libertarian populists over other reform movements – on the left or right — or an edge over those who focus more on making changes to existing systems rather than ending entire government departments. As Josh Barrocorrectly notes, none of the common middle-class worries listed above necessarily suggest Americans are worried about “bigness,” per se. Even if bigness really is a contributing cause of many of these problems, framing the issue in those terms doesn’t guarantee voters will take the leap with you.
It would be worthwhile for populists to examine the nature of their rhetoric, and whether there might not be other ways to express similar sentiments that would be more palatable to a broader swath of the electorate, such as those with two X chromosomes. The idea that many problems should be addressed at the level of civil society, or that barriers to opportunity and entrepreneurship should be removed, are both populist ideas that don’t require an “us versus them” mindset. They just require a problem-solving mindset. A libertarian populism that leads with this storyline seems much more likely to achieve broad acceptance across the gender gap.
Because in the end, while the “peasants with pitchforks” version of libertarian populism might help Republicans shore up the working class white male vote, the GOP will never win the White House without a resurgence in interest from women. The female vote went for Obama 55 percent to 44 percent in 2012. Republican presidential candidates haven’t managed to win the female vote since a narrow 51 percent to 49 percent victory in 1988.
To win women to their cause, the libertarian populist movement needs less overheated rhetoric about exploding the regime and more concrete details about how their agenda will help. And the agenda itself does have much to offer, from winding down licensing requirements that hold down entrepreneurs to re-energizing America’s failing schools. Women can get on board with many of the proposals, but they need to feel those pitching them have a responsible plan to make sure no one falls through the cracks

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