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If you are going to smear Ayn Rand, the Pauls, etc, at least be witty about it

21 Jul

Radley Balko has a FaceBook Note where he aggregates all the variously droolingly stupid and foamingly rabid headlines from articles at places like (a website President Putin funds as a vanity project for his American concubine Joan Walsh) or TrapNeuterRelease (a magazine on a lifeline from a Facebook billionaire for eunuchs and people with congenital deformities of the crotch who were misdiagnosed as gay).

(We’ve commented on a number of these before at IL ourselves.)

Since I think Radley’s ethics won’t actually allow him to shoot me, I am reproducing it here without even asking:

Portrait of an obsession: Every Alternet and/or Salon headline about libertarians from the last three years.

As Gene Healy put it, “Never before have so many been so intimidated by so few with so little political power.”

New articles up to July 2015

Libertarianism is for white men

What Rand Paul’s libertarian hypocrisy reveals about the GOP’s giant race problem

America’s libertarian freakshow: Inside the free-market fetish of Rand Paul & Ted Cruz

Rise of the techno-Libertarians: The 5 most socially destructive aspects of Silicon Valley

Big Data’s big libertarian lie: Facebook, Google and the Silicon Valley ethical overhaul we need

Elon Musk will not save us: Why libertarians waiting for a superman are wasting everyone’s time

Beware the Silicon Valley elite: Ayn Rand, Google libertarianism and Indiana’s “religious freedom”

I was a troll on the white dude-bro Internet: The dark side of gaming, libertarianism, and guns

Rand Paul’s civil rights fiasco: How Jon Stewart just unmasked him — and exposed libertarians’ perverted view of freedom

Rand Paul’s dystopian America: 6 things to know about the war-mongering, faux libertarian

My Personal Libertarian Hell: How I Enraged the Movement and Paid the Price

How Big Business Invented the Theology of ‘Christian Libertarianism’ and the Gospel of Free Markets

Welcome to ‘Libertarian Island’: Inside the Frightening Economic Dreams of Silicon Valley’s Super Rich

It’s Bizarre: Libertarians Are Clueless About the ‘Free Market’ That They Worship

The True History of Libertarianism in America: A Phony Ideology to Promote a Corporate Agenda

New articles up to March 2015

Libertarianism is for petulant children: Ayn Rand, Rand Paul and the movement’s sad “rebellion”

The atheist libertarian lie: Ayn Rand, income inequality and the fantasy of the “free market”

Nightmare libertarian project turns country into the murder capital of the world

21 Rand Paul quotes that expose libertarianism for the con job it is

Ann Coulter: Libertarian voters are “idiots” who deserve to “drown”

My unusual libertarian journey: How a former outlaw broke the political mold

Libertarian Sham: Using the L Word to Hide Even Worse Politics

Ayn Rand’s capitalist paradise lost: The inside story of a libertarian scam

The sharing economy is a lie: Uber, Ayn Rand and the truth about tech and libertarians

Rand Paul’s libertarian hoax: Why his latest strategy is a sham

“That’s something that should make libertarians nervous”: Inside the tumultuous rise of an American ideology

You’re Not the Boss of Me! Why Libertarianism Is a Childish Sham

Big Economic Theory Underpinning Libertarian Economics Is Total Baloney

The True History of Libertarianism in America: A Phony Ideology to Promote a Corporate Agenda

Koch-Tied Group Tries to Trick Stoners Into Voting for Wisconsin Libertarian

Rand Paul’s Quest to Woo Young People — What Does It Mean for Libertarianism?

Koch Brothers: Teach Our Libertarian Claptrap and Get Millions for Your College!

What Happened When Some Libertarians Went Off to Build Ayn Rand’s Vision of Paradise

New articles up to September 2014

Confessions of a recovering Libertarian: How I escaped a world of Ron Paul hero worship

Rand Paul gets schooled: Libertarian fantasies don’t help kids learn — teachers do

Ferguson brings the libertarians: Why a new coalition has everyone confused

Libertarians’ true identity revealed: Rich conservatives OK with gay people, basically

The GOP’s libertarian time bomb: Why “going Rand” would be an electoral disaster

The 7 strangest libertarian ideas

The atheist libertarian lie: Ayn Rand, income inequality and the fantasy of the “free market”

Ann Coulter: Libertarian voters are “idiots” who deserve to “drown”

Ron Paul’s no Nirvana, and this isn’t the “Libertarian Moment”

Proof the GOP’s newfound “libertarianism” is a big ol’ sham

Stephen Colbert skewers libertarian scheme: “I’m tired of the whole idea of a melting pot in America”

The GOP’s new holy land: How libertarianism is changing the face of the Republican Party

Rand Paul, Giant Libertarian Fraud

Koch Brothers: Teach Our Libertarian Claptrap and Get Millions for Your College!

How Hanging Out With Libertarians Made Me Stop Being a Libertarian

You Don’t Know What ‘Libertarian’ Means

Some Self-Described Libertarians Can’t Distinguish Libertarian from Communist or Unitarian

What Happened When Some Libertarians Went Off to Build Ayn Rand’s Vision of Paradise

NYT Sunday Magazine Falls Hook, Line and Sinker For Libertarians’ Big Propaganda Lie

Why Are Koch Brothers Trying to Masquerade as Libertarians?

Ugly Right-Wing Underbelly of the Libertarian Cause on Display at Silicon Valley Conference

7 Libertarian Upstarts Who Might Help Democrats Keep Their U.S. Senate Majority: These beer-swilling, racist, movie junkie, misogynist and plain-jane Libertarians might just help Dems keep the Senate.

Libertarians’ Sneaky New Crusade

What would the Founding Fathers have thought about our libertarian crazies?

Death of a Libertarian Fantasy: Why Dreams of a Digital Utopia Are Rapidly Fading Away

How the Libertarian Agenda Drowns Out Rational Approaches to Major Social Problems Like Guns and Auto Accidents

How Libertarianism Would Actually Curtail Human Freedom

Disgraced coal baron rebrands himself as libertarian activist

Libertarians’ anti-government crusade: Now there’s an app for that

Why I left libertarianism: An ethical critique of a limited ideology

The question libertarians just can’t answer

Grow up, Libertarians!

New articles up to May 2014

Google shows libertarians the money

Cliven Bundy’s next sick libertarian paradise: Georgia wants you to die from gun violence

Libertarians’ scary new star: Meet Bryan Caplan, the right’s next “great” philosopher

Fresh Silicon Valley libertarian idiocy: Government is “slavery”

The libertarian dream crypto-currency is here — but its fate remains uncertain

Piketty shrugged: How the French economist dashed libertarians’ Ayn Randian fantasies

Astra Taylor’s radical Internet critique: “I don’t want to give in to the libertarian logic of our time”

Ralph Nader Wants You to Join Right-Wing Libertarians to Solve America’s Problems: What Could Possibly Go Wrong?

New articles up to April 2014

Don’t Leave Bitcoin to the Libertarians! Why the Progressive Movement Needs Open Source Money

Young, rich and politically ignorant: Sean Parker and the next generation of libertarian billionaires

Cause for trepidation: Libertarians’ newfound concern for prison reform

10 reasons Americans should be wary of Rand Paul’s libertarianism — especially millennials

Libertarians’ delusional “New Atlantis” fantasy: Floating ocean city-states

CEO of Reddit: “The userbase for bitcoin is basically crazy libertarians”

Game over: How libertarians lost the battle for Bitcoin’s soul

Why We Should Be Suspicious of the Libertarian Right’s Newfound Concern for Prison Reform

3 inconvenient facts that make libertarians’ heads explode

Libertarians’ ethical gap: Why their alliance with Christians is based on contempt

Sorry, libertarians: The IRS is going to levy taxes on your bit coins

Articles from 2012 to February 2014

Letter to an Angry Libertarian

The Libertarian Billionaire Agenda Propelling the Tea Party Monster That Has Shut Down Congress

What America Would Look Like If Libertarians Got Their Way

Why Atheist Libertarians Are Part of America’s 1 Percent Problem

Libertarian Writings that Read Like Comic Books

The True History of Libertarianism in America: A Phony Ideology to Promote a Corporate Agenda

Latest Major Chemical Spill Exposes Flaws of Libertarian Approach to Govt.

Why Libertarians Are Basically Cult Members

The Terrifying Future Envisioned By Libertarians

Meet Former GOP Public Relations Flak Radley Balko, Now a Libertarian Crusader Against Police Militarization

How a Libertarian Used Ayn Rand’s Crazy Philosophy to Drive Sears Into the Ground

The Libertarian Con: Favorite ‘Rebel’ Ideology of the Ruling Class

Libertarian Developer’s Ayn Rand Fantasy Is Detroit’s Latest Nightmare

How an Ayn Rand-Loving Libertarian Destroyed The Company He Runs With His Cultish Objectivist Theories

Exposed: How a Lot of the Libertarian Outrage Over Govt. Spying Is Just Shilling for the Private Surveillance Biz

Don’t Be Fooled by Pot-Loving Libertarian Gary Johnson — He Works for the 1%

Libertarian Activist Openly Loads Shotgun and Calls for Revolution in D.C.

Are Right-Wing Libertarian Internet Trolls Getting Paid to Dumb Down Online Conversations?

The Really Creepy People Behind the Libertarian-Inspired Billionaire Sea Castles

A Rand Paul Presidential Campaign Would Teach Americans Just How Vicious and Anti-Social the Libertarian Agenda Is

The Ultimate Escape: The Bizarre Libertarian Plan of Uploading Brains into Robots to Escape Society

Jon Stewart Eviscerates Free-Market Libertarianism in Bit on Illegal Foreclosure

Libertarian Suggests Children Should be Trained to Tackle Shooters

Exposed: How a Lot of the Libertarian Outrage Over Govt. Spying Is Just Shilling for the Private Surveillance Biz

Ayn Randroids and Libertarians Join Forces: Will Her Noxious Philosophy Further Infect America?

Libertarians in 2013: The Even Whiter, Wealthier, WASPier Bastion of Republican Party

Politically Isolated Libertarians Go Literal, Consolidating Plans For Man-Made Libertarian Islands

Why Libertarians Play the Clowns in the Circus Show Called the Republican Party

Libertines v. Libertarians: Dominique Strauss-Kahn’s Rejection of Sexual Restraints

The secret libertarianism of Uber & Airbnb

Great Disawakening: A Burgeoning Libertarian Contagion?

When libertarianism fails

Libertarians with money, scarier than a black man with a gun

Christie slams ‘libertarian’ trend on security

Libertarianism’s Amorality

Colonial Americans Were Not Libertarians!

Why Libertarianism Loses Me (Hint: Because I Love Steak)

Bringing back feudalism-Is libertarianism an unwitting tool?

The question libertarians just can’t answer

Why I fled libertarianism — and became a liberal

Confessions of a former Libertarian: My personal, psychological and intellectual epiphany

5 libertarian oligarchs who made fortunes off the government they want to destroy

GOP’s epic internal struggle: The modernists vs. libertarian fabulists

“The Daily Show” destroys Fox News libertarian Andrew Napolitano for blaming the Civil War on Abraham Lincoln

Edward Snowden: A libertarian hero

Don’t ally with libertarians: Ideologues co-opt an anti-NSA rally

11 questions to see if libertarians are hypocrites

A Bitcoin libertarian disaster: The Silk Road gets busted

5 bogus libertarian talking points

Libertarians are very confused about capitalism

A libertarian nightmare: Bitcoin meets Big Government

Libertarians: Still a cult

The screwed generation: Libertarian, not liberal

Grow up, Libertarians!

“The Walking Dead”: Anti-libertarian critique

A libertarian man’s surprising proposal: Gender quotas!

“Libertarian populism” = Ayn Rand in disguise

Sorry, libertarians: You’re still hypocrites

How to beat libertarians on the economy

Antonin Scalia, civil libertarian?

Judge behind Verizon order tied to free trip from libertarian think tank

Here’s what’s wrong with Ayn Rand, libertarians

Libertarians are even whiter and wealthier than the GOP

The libertarian/marijuana conspiracy to swing the election

Libertarians name North Dakota “most free” state

Is Werner Herzog a libertarian?

“The Libertarian Case for Mitt Romney” is hilarious

Rand Paul tries to sell social conservatives on libertarianism

Thom Hartmann: Libertarians are pushing us over a cliff

Liberals should unite with Libertarians (sometimes)

Libertarians who don’t understand liberty

Ann Coulter gets booed by a roomful of libertarians

Libertarians fear Obamacare so much they closed the government

How Libertarian-Style Capitalism Killed My Father and My Best Friends

TNR continues swirl down the Chait chute

6 Jun

Though well known beauty Jonathan Chait no longer works at TrapNeuterRelease magazine, the current editors continue with his obsessive compulsion to write flawed articles critical of libertarianism.

This week’s entry, by former StarWars extra Jeet Heer (rumored to be playing the young Jabba The Hut in the next release), observes that Rand Paul polls better with Republican men than with Republican women, and from that launches into a discussion of how market liberalism is fatally flawed because it isn’t good for or attractive to women.

Jeet makes a basic logical error in the beginning of his piece. He begins with an observation that out of Republican primary voters, Paul does much better with men than with women. He then leaps to his opinions about women in general and how this relates to broad gaseous notions he imbibed in college about political economy and American history.
Someone capable of investigation and analysis would ask how male and female Republican primary voters differ, since those are the relevant populations. Looking inside the GOP, one might find that male GOP voters are more libertarian and female GOP voters more hawkish, socially conservative, or establishment leaning. Or if instead you look at libertarians of all or no parties, perhaps libertarian leaning voters identified in recent polls and discussed at Brookings, Cato, and the Reason Foundation, as often having certain demographic characteristics (secular, younger, more educated) are more likely to register GOP and vote in GOP primaries when male, and more likely to be non-voters, independents, or even Democrats (or Greens or Libertarian Party voters) when female. We will not find out from Jeet. We didn’t get any analysis, in part perhaps because it was difficult enough for a TNR scribbler to admit that female GOP voters exist, let alone survey what they think.
But Jeet’s real purpose is given away by the photo selection.  It’s funny to see how the TNR photo editor searched for a photo of someone s/he thought would be unappealing standing with Rand Paul.  Outside of the Pauls and academics (some of whom were rather hip and attractive, like Robert Nozick), the best known American men who call themselves libertarians are Himalayan climbing former New Mexico Governor Gary Johnson, comic leading man Vince Vaughn, and movie star Clint Eastwood — who one suspects have more pulchritude – and testosterone – than decades worth of male TNR staffers.

The photo selection certainly allowed for many TNR on-line readers to signal us their superiority, posting about how libertarian men are beta males, socially awkward, unable to find love, etc. etc.  (Projection?) Does this amount to bullying of this poor unknown individual they chose to belittle by reproducing his photo I imagine without his consent?

Another surprising aspect of the TNR photo selection (and is it true by the way that former TNRer Stephen Glass is now a photo editor at MSNBC, in charge of cropping African American tea partiers’ hands and faces out of stock footage?) is that the guy they’ve chosen immediately made me think of my old friend and loyal Democrat, Todd Metcalf, who bounced around from being a Gore bundler, to a Clyburn staffer, to a Wyden lawyer.

It’s all rather catty from a magazine with a long history of closeted and not closeted gay editors and publishers, possibly rivaling GQ or Details, focusing the attractiveness of male politicians or their male supporters rather than their ideas.

The New Republic frets about Rand Paul

18 Jun
TNR readers are like denizens in Plato’s mythical cave – unless you are a subscriber to aren’t allowed to post comments and disturb the right thinking in their echo chamber. But you can read them here:

Rand Paul Cover Image

Rand Paul keeps his fingers crossed. 
To see the full magazine cover image, click here. To learn more about how the picture came about, click here
It was the first time in recent memory that the Iowa GOP Lincoln Day Dinner sold out nearly two weeks in advance, and it was on the strength of its headliner, Kentucky Senator Rand Paul, who, in turn, was invited on the strength of his 13-hour filibuster against the Obama administration’s use of drones. During the happy hour at a small Cedar Rapids hotel, local donors stood in line to have their pictures taken with Paul, almost completely ignoring their own congressmen, Representative Steve King and Senator Chuck Grassley. They had come to see Paul, and he got a standing ovation before he even started talking.

Paul began in stand-up mode, describing a recent trip to New York in which he had driven by the Federal Reserve—the crowd booed on cue—to find it blocked by police cars. “We go up to the police, and we ask what’s going on, and they say the Federal Reserve has been robbed. And we said, really?!” Paul said, his voice nearly cracking in mock disbelief. “They said, ‘Yeah, but we caught the thieves. They got in front of the safe, they had the big safe open, but they were perplexed. They were flummoxed. They didn’t know what to do with minus sixteen trillion dollars!’ 

The audience roared—which was to be expected, since they were, as Paul himself joked, “an easy crowd.” His father, Ron Paul, the libertarian Quixote, who famously preached a return to the gold standard and wrote a book called End the Fed, had come in third in the state’s presidential caucuses last year. Rand’s timing, too, was fortuitous: That day, the attendees were buzzing about the news that the IRS had apologized for picking on the kinds of conservative grassroots groups that make up the Paul family base.
In fact, in the months since Rand Paul’s blockbuster filibuster, the news cycle has handed him gift after gift after gift. Not long after the IRS revelations came the Department of Justice’s aggressive pursuit of national security leaks to the Associated Press. Then news broke that the National Security Agency was dredging up massive amounts of telephone data from millions of Americans on a daily basis. Paul quickly threatened to bring a class action lawsuit against the agency. This is a moment tailored for Rand Paul, more than for Marco Rubio or Chris Christie, or anyone else in the potential Republican 2016 lineup.

Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call
When Rand ran for Senate, Ron referred to his bid as “our campaign.”
And yet, in Iowa, Paul wasn’t completely content with easy applause. He didn’t even mention the IRS. What he really wanted to talk about, he told the crowd, “is immigration.” Earlier, King and Grassley had sounded defiant, nativist tones, condemning the moderate legislation suggested by the Senate’s Gang of Eight. Paul, however, voiced his disagreement and laid out his own proposals to reform work visas, secure the border, and legalize the migrants that are already here. The room grew noticeably quieter. “I also think that, as a party, we need to grow bigger,” he said to an audience that was entirely white, save for a lone Sudanese immigrant. “We’re an increasingly diverse nation, and I think we do need to reach out to other people that don’t look like us, don’t wear the same clothes, that aren’t exactly who we are.” The GOP, he said, needed to be more respectful. By this point, the crowd was silent.
Later, Paul told me that it was a good silence, the silence of people listening. “The Democrats have done a better job of being a party of people from all walks of life, and we need to do that,” he said.1 “We need to have working-class folks, we need to have people with earrings, nose rings, tattoos, ties, without ties, ponytails, no ponytails. One of the things where my dad was successful, was when you went to his rallies, you saw people from all walks of life.” And by the time Paul was done speaking that night in Cedar Rapids, by the time he showed that appealing to minorities was, also, a matter of utility, a strategy to once again become “the dominant national party,” the crowd was again up on its feet, hooting and applauding.
When Paul launched his political career three years ago, he was viewed in much the same way as his father, or, as Senator John McCain once called him, a “wacko bird.” He was identified with the same marginal issues (drug legalization, neo-isolationism) and the same marginal constituencies (anarchists, goldbugs). But this year, Paul has emerged as a serious candidate. He has started actively campaigning for the nomination earlier than any of the other Republicans mulling a run. Already, he has racked up multiple meet-and-greets, dinners, and coffee gatherings in Iowa, New Hampshire, and South Carolina. While his father may have been an also-ran, national polls show Rand Paul as one of the top contenders for the GOP nomination. In private, Paul has been meeting with key GOP power brokers, including the Koch brothers, and he has courted techies at Silicon Valley companies like Google, Facebook, and eBay. “We’re doing something that Ron never did; we’re reaching out to major donors,” says a Paul adviser. “Not everyone is giving us money, but there’s definitely some flirtation going on.” According to this adviser, in the last six months, RAND PAC, Paul’s national political operation, has raised more than a million dollars.2 “He’s very politically talented,” says a former senior official at the Republican National Committee. “He is absolutely a contender.”
In his efforts to court new audiences, or to bring what he calls “tough love” to friendly ones, Rand Paul is aiming for a bigger, broader base than Ron Paul—or, for that matter, Mitt Romney—ever captured. But though he has staked out more moderate or traditionally Republican positions than his father, at his core, Rand retains the same pre–New Deal vision of hyper-minimalist government and isolationist foreign policy. In other words, Paul has managed to take the essence of his father’s radical ideology—more radical than that of any modern presidential candidate—and turn it into a plausible campaign for the Republican nomination.

Portrait by Platon
oing into the Spring of 2009, Kentucky Secretary of State Trey Grayson was a favorite local son. That year, Mitch McConnell, the Senate minority leader and the state’s political godfather, persuaded Senator Jim Bunning to make way for a more dynamic candidate and urged Grayson to run for the seat. Grayson seemed to be a lock for the Republican nomination—his main competition was an ophthalmologist in the western part of the state.

Grayson had heard that Ron Paul’s son was living in Bowling Green, but he’d never come across him in Kentucky’s political circles. “I don’t think many people thought of him as a serious candidate,” says Ronnie Ellis, a veteran Kentucky political observer. “He was treated by the press as an oddity.” After all, Paul had announced his candidacy on “The Rachel Maddow Show,” a bizarre move for a GOP primary. He was no good on the stump, rambling about government sins without the grease of jokes or platitudes. So Grayson and his team assumed that Rand was just a younger Ron, and, accordingly, ignored him. “We made a huge mistake,” says Les Fugate, then Grayson’s chief political aide. “That gave him five months to define himself.”
The magnitude of that miscalculation soon became clear. Paul tapped into his father’s national grassroots network, raising half a million dollars in a one-day “money bomb.”3 Thanks to his work on his father’s campaigns, he had relationships with national conservative media that Grayson lacked. Most important, he proved adept at harnessing the anti-establishment anger that had just spawned the Tea Party. Paul unleashed ads linking Grayson to the mess in Washington—“a message that stuck,” Fugate says. Two weeks before the primary, Grayson ran an ad in which McConnell, who is more feared than loved in Kentucky, declared that he needed Trey Grayson at his side in Congress. “We never will know this for sure, but that ad goes up, it’s our final ad, and then, boom, Rand goes through the roof and beats me by twenty points,” Grayson says. “We underestimated him.”
Jack Conway, Paul’s Democratic opponent, was next to be ambushed, mistaking Paul’s unorthodox style for electoral unviability. That spring, Paul again appeared on Maddow’s show, where she asked about his recent statement that one of the Civil Rights Act’s core provisions—desegregating private businesses—was unconstitutional. Instead of vowing his total support for the landmark legislation, Paul engaged Maddow in a philosophical debate over the hierarchy of rights.4 Democrats labeled him a racist, a charge that has dogged Paul ever since. A few months later, GQdiscovered that, during Paul’s college days at Baylor, he had belonged to a secret society called the NoZe Brotherhood. Once, Paul and a NoZe buddy had apparently gotten high, tied up a female friend, tried to get her to smoke pot, then took her to the countryside and encouraged her to bow down to their god, “Aqua Buddha.” The story was devastating within Paul’s inner circle—especially to his wife, Kelley, who hadn’t known of the episodeand Conway ran an ad calling Paul an idolater.
One person who did not underestimate Paul was McConnell, who had thrown his machine behind the upstart right after the primary. “McConnell was very clear that it was all in the past,” says Jesse Benton, Paul’s campaign manager at the time. “He worked the phones for us, raised money. There were old-school Republicans who had been skeptical of Rand Paul; McConnell called them and brought them over to our side.” He even had his wife, former Labor Secretary Elaine Chao, offer a shoulder to Kelley Paul during the Aqua Buddha debacle.
And Paul, harnessing the Tea Party’s rage, succeeded in steering the debate away from his stumbles and making the election a referendum on fiscal policy. After he beat Conway by eleven points, McConnell kept Paul close. He got him an office near his own and placed him on the Foreign Relations Committee. “The perception is McConnell fears him,” says a Republican Senate staffer.
In the Senate, Paul gained a reputation as an eccentric. Staffers often saw him wandering alone into the cafeteria, buying his own coffee, getting his own lunch—which, they noted, was not very senatorial. Nor was his reputation for reading every page of every bill. He wrote legislation in his own, Paulian way. He introduced a budget that would have eviscerated the Departments of Transportation, Energy, State, and Commerce; the Environmental Protection Agency; the Food and Drug Administration; and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. It would have entirely defunded the Departments of Education and Housing and Urban Development, the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, the National Endowment for the Arts, and the Government Printing Office. His amendment to the Parental Consent Act warned that psychiatrists might “label a person’s disagreement with the psychiatrist’s political beliefs a mental disorder.”5 He authored a bill to legalize interstate traffic in unpasteurized milk. One amendment would have nullified the congressional authorization to invade Iraq; another sought “to end mailbox use monopoly.” He also offered a triad of bills intended to make senators more diligent: the Read the Bills Act, the Write the Laws Act, and the One Subject at a Time Act. None of these measures made it to a vote. When the Foreign Relations Committee introduced a bill condemning North Korea’s nuclear tests, Paul insisted on language explicitly stating that it didn’t authorize the use of force. McCain was livid: The act was already nonbinding, and he felt Paul was mocking the process.
He wasn’t; he was mastering it. His advisers talk of McConnell as Paul’s “political father,” right up there with Ron. “He has taught Rand how power politics work,” one of these advisers said. “It’s what his father couldn’t be a mentor in.” But Paul has taken McConnell’s methods to the next level. McConnell, says a staffer with the Senate Democratic leadership, routinely slows down Senate business, but “has always done it subtly.” Paul, on the other hand, uses delays as a public-relations tool: His drone filibuster effectively turned Senate rules into a 13-hour presidential campaign ad. “Procedurally, the way he operates is hostage-taking,” says a Republican Senate staffer. “What Paul has done is basically say, ‘If I don’t get my way, nobody is going to get anything. I’m going to hold up everything until I get my way.’” Often, this means forcing a vote on one of his amendments, like a proposal to end foreign aid “to countries that burn our flag,” such as Egypt, Libya, and Pakistan. When this happens, “all his colleagues leave the floor cursing his name,” says the Republican staffer. “This isn’t the way you do business here.” Other senators, including Maine’s Susan Collins, were furious at Paul after PACs associated with him attacked their positions on gun control. These ads, says the Democratic staffer, are “a cardinal sin.”

Associated Press
Ron is happy preaching the libertarian gospel; Rand wants results.
Because none of Paul’s measures ever pass, it is easy to dismiss him as a grandstander. “He’s essentially a non-entity as a legislator,” says the Democratic staffer. But Paul isn’t interested in an illustrious Senate career; he’s using the Senate as a platform to launch something far bigger. The kooky legislation? Perfect messaging to the base. Refusing to play by the Senate’s clubby rules? Exactly what the Tea Party sent him to Washington for. “His ideas are not brilliant, but he has an understanding of where the country is,” says the Republican staffer.
The biggest test of Paul’s larger ambitions is his relationship with the Republican establishment. If he wants to win the nomination, he needs the party’s power brokers; if he wants to keep his Tea Party credibility, he can’t appear too cozy with them. Many in the traditional conservative establishment—particularly the foreign policy hawks—have been wary of Paul, but they have come to recognize, and fear, his growing power. “I have to give him credit for political entrepreneurship,” says Bill Kristol, editor ofThe Weekly Standard, describing Paul’s tactics as “demagogic.” “I think [the Republican establishment is] nervous about him; that’s the one thing about him I kind of like,” Kristol adds. “They think he’s got some real clout out there with the grassroots, which is why I’d say they’ve bent over backwards to be nice to him.”
Since the emergence of the Tea Party, there have been plenty of politicians who have rocketed to sudden stardom, but only Paul has managed to leverage his popularity into actual institutional power. His drone filibuster forced the Department of Justice to issue a formal response, earned him the White House’s grudging respect—“at least the guy actually did it,” one official told me—and significantly moved public opinion on the issue. Meanwhile, his hard-line fiscal and anti-government views have gained growing traction within the GOP. “The party is more libertarian than it used to be,” says Grayson, now the director of the Institute of Politics at the Kennedy School. “Clearly there’s more talk of reducing the deficit, and Rand is one of the leaders of this movement. It’s fair to give him a share of that credit.” During the immigration debate, Paul has for the first time talked openly about his newfound clout, referring to himself as “a bridge between the House and the Senate.” “If they don’t listen to me, they make a mistake,” he has said of his Senate colleagues.
But perhaps Paul’s biggest coup is the influence he has gained over McConnell. The Senate minority leader faces a tough reelection bid in 2014—his poll numbers in Kentucky have been inversely proportional to Paul’s rising ones—and he has found that his state’s Republican apparatus is being slowly converted into a bastion of Paulism. It is no coincidence that, last fall, McConnell hired Benton, Paul’s political guru, to run his campaign. “McConnell realized that he can’t get reelected without Rand Paul’s support,” says a Senate staffer.


And so lately, McConnell’s calculations have noticeably tilted toward keeping Paul happy. “McConnell has moved toward Rand Paul more than Rand Paul has moved toward McConnell,” says John David Dyche, McConnell’s biographer. McConnell has thrown his support behind Paul’s efforts to legalize hemp production, both in Kentucky and nationally. He joined Paul’s drone filibuster and threatened to vote against the nomination of John Brennan for CIA chief. And he has changed how he manages the factions within the Republican caucus. “He used to do a good job bridging the divide … but he can’t do that anymore, so there’s basically no leader over there because there needs to be no daylight between him and Rand Paul, whatsoever, for the next two years,” says the Senate staffer. “You can make a case,” says the Democratic leadership staffer, “that he’s the most powerful Senator in the Republican caucus.”
t a Tea Party event in Louisville, I sat down with Paul and asked him to explain his theory of government’s proper role. “What the Constitution says,” he told me curtly. “The Constitution has about 19 enumerated powers; that’s what it should do. Primary among those, at the federal level, is national defense, and that’s the primary function of what the government should be doing.” As always, Paul wore a red penny on his lapel, a Tea Party invocation of the national debt.6 He continued: “There are other things that we’ve been doing for quite a while, and what I would say is that we try to make them as efficient as possible. Things like Social Security and Medicare need to be made solvent.”

This seemed to be a departure from his father, who refused to accept Medicare and Medicaid in his private practice because he deemed it “stolen money.” But when I asked Paul to delineate the differences between them, he bristled. “I don’t think it’s really that useful to go into that,” he shot back. “I’ve got two years of voting and three or four years of speaking now, so if you people want to noodle out differences, it’s fine, but I don’t think it’s particularly useful for me to.”

Father and son in the 1960s.
That noodling, it turns out, produces a complicated picture. On one hand, Rand seems to hold more moderate positions than his father. At a meeting with evangelicals in Iowa, for instance, someone asked if he, like Ron, believes in legalizing drugs. Rand was quick to reassure the group. “I’m not advocating everyone go out and run around with no clothes on and smoke pot,” he said. Instead, he said, he supports abolishing mandatory minimum sentencing guidelines in nonviolent crimes, like possession of marijuana. (He also stressed, as he often does these days, that “I’m not a libertarian. I’m a libertarian Republican.”) Ron voted against congressional resolutions saying Israel has the right to self-defense. Rand, like his father, wants to end all foreign aid, but he has softened this position when it comes to Israel, whose assistance, he says, should be wound down gradually.7 (In January, he visited Israel with pastors and GOP operatives, a clear attempt to mend fences with AIPAC.) He has tacked right on gay marriage (it should be left to the states until its opponents “win back the hearts and minds of people”); on national defense (he doesn’t want to close all overseas military bases just yet); and he opposes shuttering Guantánamo. Whereas his father lambasted Ronald Reagan for his big government and big deficits, Rand praises him, like a good Republican.
That Ron and Rand have not staked out identical positions is hardly surprising; they may share the same founding ideology, but each has bent it through the prisms of different life experiences. Ron grew up in Pittsburgh, the son of strict German Lutherans with an unrelenting work ethic; he and his brothers all worked at the family’s dairy-processing business.8 After serving in the Air Force and training as an obstetrician, he moved his young family to the small town of Lake Jackson, near Houston, in 1968. There, he fell in with the local libertarian scene, which appealed to his up-by-the-bootstraps ethos. He became known for handing out free copies of books by the Austrian economists Ludwig von Mises and Murray Rothbard at events, where there were often John Birchers in attendance.
Randal Paul had a more privileged upbringing.9 He was the son of the only obstetrician in town and lived in one of the first houses in the neighborhood with a pool. Instead of discovering his life’s philosophy, he inherited it. Growing up, he devoured his father’s core texts: Friedrich Hayek, von Mises, Milton Friedman, and Ayn Rand, whose militant atheism presented a dilemma for the churchgoing Pauls.10 “Obviously the library was tilted towards capitalism and not socialism,” Rand said. Jimmy Brown, a friend of the oldest Paul child, Ronnie, still recalls Dr. Paul’s preoccupation with monetary policy: “He talked a lot about inflation, about interest rates, about gold, debt.” The Paul home had “a very different atmosphere than in other houses,” says Mark Monical, one of Rand’s childhood friends.
In this libertarian Petri dish, there were no curfews and no allowances (handouts); chores were expected, not required. (Curiously, although Ron believed in legalizing drugs, smoking pot was a nonstarter, on health grounds.) “He was not a strict disciplinarian, but we would’ve felt bad to disappoint him,” explains Joy LeBlanc, the baby sister, who also became an obstetrician. “It was independence with rules,” says Ronnie. “We all grew up tasting freedom.”
In 1975, Rand became not only the son of a doctor, but the son of a congressman, too: Ron’s outrage with President Nixon’s decision to abandon the gold standard finally moved him to run for office as a Republican. (The GOP was then a minority party in Texas.) Rand was the most bookish and opinionated of the Paul kids and the only one to mention, unprompted, politics as a childhood pastime. “Going campaigning, knocking door to door, hearing speeches, things like that, from about eleven on,” he said when I asked him about his adolescence. “I probably heard about several thousand speeches of my dad’s growing up, went to a lot of political barbecues, knocked on a lot of doors.” “You knew he would go into politics eventually,” says Joy. “It was not a surprise to us when he ran for Senate.”
But Ron had always been adamant that politics was not a career: “Get a job,” Ronnie recalls him saying. So Rand did what his dad did. He went to Baylor but was accepted early to medical school at Duke thanks to his near-perfect MCAT score.11 During his medical training, Rand played key roles in his father’s various campaigns around the country. If Ron has built a national grassroots network, Rand was one of its main architects. That network included some extreme elements: For decades, various nonprofits associated with the elder Paul published pamphlets containing racist, anti-Semitic, and homophobic vitriol. (According to a source close to the Paul family, Ron claims he didn’t read the offensive material, while Rand “was reading that stuff and saying, ‘This is horrible. You gotta knock it off.’”)


However, while Ron was happy to dwell in the realm of ideas, Rand wanted to make them a reality. For his father, says Ronnie, politics “was just an excuse for him to talk about monetary policy.” Rand always had a sharper ambition. “Rand Paul doesn’t get off on tangents about the gold standard,” says Fergus Cullen, the former head of the New Hampshire GOP. “He doesn’t seem satisfied to simply make ideological points and let the chips fall where they may.” Philip Blumel met Rand working on Ron’s 1988 presidential campaign and later signed on to help with Ron’s White House bids in 2008 and 2012, which, he said, “I considered largely educational affairs.” By contrast, he said, “When Rand said he was going to run for the Senate, I knew that this was going to be a political campaign to win the seat and not just to make a point.”
And yet father and son agree on the utopian fundamentals—whittling the government down to its barest minimum, decriminalizing drug use, and moving toward an isolationist foreign policy.12 They frequently consult each other, even if they don’t always take the advice. When Ron ran for president, Rand was his chief surrogate; when Rand ran for the Senate, Ron referred to the race as “our campaign.”
Ronnie, who has Ron and Rand’s fine light hair and thick dark eyebrows, explained the differing logic when we met at a Mexican restaurant outside Houston. “Here’s the culminational philosophy of free markets and individual liberty and private-property rights, and all that’s over here,” he said, plunking his left hand down on the table. “And right now we’re over here.” He placed his right hand a couple feet away. “My dad’s runnin’ this way, and my brother’s runnin’ this way, and other people are runnin’ this way,” he said, tracing zig-zags and squiggles with his index finger, moving it across the table from his right hand (the dismal present) to his left (the libertarian ideal). Rand and Ron, he explained, are “on a little different trails, but they’re going the same direction, because there are different ways to get there.”
Indeed, Ron does not begrudge his son his earthly desires; if anything, he seems to value them. Brian Doherty, an editor* at the libertarian magazineReason and Ron Paul’s biographer, traveled with the Pauls during the 2012 campaign. He told me that he once heard Ron say of Rand, “It may well be that his approach will be far more successful than mine ever was.”
n March, Paul rolled out his position on immigration at the Hispanic Chamber of Commerce—a tough crowd, given his father’s opposition to birthright citizenship for the children of illegal immigrants. Trey Grayson was in the audience, and he was astonished to see the transformation in his former opponent. In just three years, the awkward, small-town ophthalmologist had become a polished national political figure. “He had them in the palm of his hand,” Grayson recalled. Rand warmed up the crowd in broken Spanish, then joked about his mistakes; he talked about growing up in Texas with Hispanic friends. “He was just totally at ease,” Grayson says. “They weren’t his people going in, and I don’t know how many of them would vote for him, but I guarantee you they left there with a much more favorable opinion of him.” He added: “That’s his talent and that’s where he’s really grown. And that’s what’s helped him to become a guy who’s a serious candidate for president from the Republican Party.”

The transformation is not absolute; Paul’s ornery disposition makes him an erratic retail politician. “If he hadn’t grown up in a political family, I don’t think he would’ve found himself in politics,” Blumel says. “It isn’t naturally suited to who he is. I just can’t see him kissing babies.” At one Tea Party fund-raiser I attended, Paul barely listened to his fellow speakers, playing with the lapel of his jacket and looking up at the ceiling. When the event’s organizer announced that the senator would be signing his books afterward, Paul was so visibly annoyed that she had to turn to him and apologize. And yet Paul’s obvious loathing of the handshaking and the fund-raising and the speechifying is also a key part of his folksy appeal. Later, the organizer gushed to me that Paul’s lack of interest in political celebrity would make him “an amazing president.”
Still, for someone not temperamentally suited to politicking, Paul learns with impressive speed. An adviser McConnell dispatched from Washington to help with Paul’s Senate bid told me that Paul had been eager to improve and has “gotten much better over time.” For one thing, he has become noticeably more skilled in giving interviews. Before, he frustrated staffers with his earnest libertarian need to answer every question; today, he understands that it’s only in his interests to answer the ones he wants.

The Paul Family and Ronald Reagan in 1976.
The most striking adaptation I witnessed followed a speech Paul gave at Howard University, the historically black college in Washington, D.C. Paul, spiritedly quoting Toni Morrison, informed the students that Republicans had once been the party of the abolitionists and Democrats the party of Jim Crow. He inquired, “How many of you, if I were to have said, ‘Who do you think the founders of the NAACP were,’ did you think they were Republicans or Democrats?”
Unfortunately for Paul, the students did know that the founders were Republicans and were not shy about letting him know that they knew. “Which Republican Party are you talking about?” one asked. “The party of Lincoln or the party of Nixon?” Another challenged him on his stance on the Civil Rights Act. Paul could not give satisfying answers to either question.13Most students I spoke to described his visit as “condescending.” “You’re coming to Howard University, and you’re telling us about the history of black people?” one young woman said. “Toni Morrison quotes?” another asked. “Really?” (A Paul adviser later admitted, “It was probably an infield single, but at least he got on base.”)
But two days later in Louisville, Paul made a less-publicized visit to Simmons,another historically black college, and this time, he took a humbler approach. He turned down the podium, preferring to sit in a circle with students, professors, and members of the community. “I want to learn from you,” he said. For the most part, he avoided the intertwining histories of African Americans and the Republican Party. Instead, he turned most questions back on the questioners, asking politely for their opinions.
And rather than try to prove that the Republican Party had been good to blacks once upon a time, he focused on how the Republican Party could be good to them today. He talked about decriminalizing drug offenses and getting rid of the mandatory sentencing minimums that put so many young black men in jail. He talked about fixing the local school system, about not abolishing Pell grants “as long as it’s in the context of spending what you have.” To approving nods, he talked about how urban renewal had really meant “urban destruction” and about how “they tore down a lot of black businesses so people would go to white stores.” He found that this crowd, if not totally convinced, was receptive. Though he would still not give them a definitive answer on his position on the Civil Rights Act, he did say that he believed federal intervention had been justified. “I’m not a firm believer in democracy,” he explained. “It gave us Jim Crow.”
aul may be working assiduously to tailor his message to constituenciesunfamiliar to the modern GOP, but he also makes sure not to neglect the most ardent members of his base. The day after his Simmons appearance, I saw him address a “Freedom to Fish” rally at the Barkley Dam in western Kentucky. The dam was a favorite local fishing spot, and the locals were challenging a plan by the Army Corps of Engineers to install barriers to keep people from drowning in the turbulent tailwaters. “You know, sometimes, I think the government in Washington thinks we’re just too dumb to take care of ourselves,” Paul told the cheering crowd. “They think that, somehow, they have a monopoly on knowledge.”

Courtesy of Brazoport Independent School District
Paul in high school, dissecting a cat.
Afterward, he was mobbed by a stream of fans who thanked him for everything from the filibuster to just being Rand Paul. “I want to tell you how much I appreciate y’all standing up for our rights against these jerks,” one man said. Another leaned in conspiratorially as he shook the senator’s hand. “I admire your moxie in speaking to these black college kids,” he said knowingly, referring to the Howard speech.
It was Paul’s natural, government-off-my-back constituency, but he wasn’t shy about his grander ambitions. “You gotta present ideas in a way that it brings more people to it,” he told the scrum of supporters, not concealing his impatience to get in his car and rush home to Bowling Green. Nor, he said, is he stopping at Iowa and New Hampshire, where his father had blazed a path before him. “We gotta win Illinois and New York state and California,” he said, “and those are hard.”
Julia Ioffe is a senior editor at The New Republic.

GOProud rumored to fold

26 May
So all the LGBTQpleaseGodstopmefromaddingmorelettersitsanaddiction libertarians, have been discussing, entre nous, the rumor that GOProud is folding from lack of funds.

One famous gal, let’s just call her Angelique, wrote me:

“Looking forward to the 10,000 word essay in the New Republic by James Kirchick which attributes the death of this most august organization to the presence of them Islams and giving girls the right to vote.”

But that is a distortion of the neocon position. Everyone knows it was actually specifically giving Muslim women the vote that caused all the trouble.


Chris Gibson vs Sean Eldridge

12 Feb
Here’s the voting record of New York Republican Congressman Chris Gibson, who is being challenged by millionaire investor/Facebook founder spouse/gay Democrat Sean Eldridge.

He seems to have voted against using federal funds to pay for legal challenges to DOMA.  He also consistently votes against extending or funding surveillance state measures like NDAA and the Patriot Act.

One wonders if Eldridge will be a step’n’fetchit gay who supports Obama’s drones, kill lists, and spying, as long as he supports equal slavery for gays.


Date Bill No. Bill Title Outcome Vote
Jan. 23, 2013 HR 325 To Ensure the Complete and Timely Payment of the Obligations of the United States Government Until May 19, 2013 Bill Passed – House
(285 – 144)
Jan. 15, 2013 H Amdt 4 Offsets Cost of Disaster Relief Appropriations Through Discretionary Budget Cuts Amendment Rejected – House
(162 – 258)
Jan. 15, 2013 HR 152 Disaster Relief Appropriations Act, 2013 Bill Passed – House
(241 – 180)
Jan. 1, 2013 HR 6726 Congressional Pay Freeze and Fiscal Responsibility Act Bill Passed – House
(287 – 129)
Jan. 1, 2013 HR 8 Job Protection and Recession Prevention Act of 2012 Concurrence Vote Passed – House
(257 – 167)
Dec. 20, 2012 HR 6684 Spending Reduction Act of 2012 Bill Passed – House
(215 – 209)
Dec. 20, 2012 HR 4310 National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2013 Conference Report Adopted – House
(315 – 107)
Nov. 30, 2012 HR 6429 STEM Jobs Act of 2012 Bill Passed – House
(245 – 139)
Nov. 16, 2012 HR 6156 Russia and Moldova Jackson-Vanik Repeal and Sergei Magnitsky Rule of Law Accountability Act of 2012 Bill Passed – House
(365 – 43)
Sept. 21, 2012 HR 3409 Stop the War on Coal Act of 2012 Bill Passed – House
(233 – 175)
Sept. 20, 2012 HR 6429 STEM Jobs Act of 2012 Bill Failed – House
(257 – 158)
Sept. 20, 2012 H J Res 118 Congressional Disapproval of Department of Health and Human Services Rule to Waive Certain Requirements for the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families Program (TANF) Joint Resolution Passed – House
(250 – 164)
Sept. 19, 2012 HR 5912 Prohibits Public Funding for Political Party Conventions Bill Passed – House
(310 – 95)
Sept. 14, 2012 HR 6213 No More Solyndras Act Bill Passed – House
(245 – 161)
Sept. 13, 2012 HR 6365 National Security and Job Protection Act Bill Passed – House
(223 – 196)
Sept. 12, 2012 HR 5949 FISA Amendments Act Reauthorization Act of 2012 Bill Passed – House
(301 – 118)
Aug. 2, 2012 HR 6233 Agricultural Disaster Assistance Act of 2012 Bill Passed – House
(223 – 197)
Aug. 2, 2012 HR 6169 Pathway to Job Creation through a Simpler, Fairer Tax Code Act of 2012 Bill Passed – House
(232 – 189)
Aug. 1, 2012 HR 8 Job Protection and Recession Prevention Act of 2012 Bill Passed – House
(256 – 171)
July 31, 2012 HR 3803 District of Columbia Pain-Capable Unborn Child Protection Act Bill Failed – House
(220 – 154)
July 31, 2012 HR 828 Federal Employee Tax Accountability Act of 2012 Bill Passed – House
(263 – 114)
July 31, 2012 S 679 Presidential Appointment Efficiency and Streamlining Act of 2011 Bill Passed – House
(261 – 116)
July 26, 2012 HR 4078 Red Tape Reduction and Small Business Job Creation Act Bill Passed – House
(245 – 172)
July 25, 2012 HR 6168 President Obama’s Proposed 2012-2017 Offshore Drilling Lease Sale Plan Act Bill Failed – House
(164 – 261)
July 25, 2012 HR 459 Federal Reserve Transparency Act of 2012 Bill Passed – House
(327 – 98)
July 25, 2012 HR 6082 Congressional Replacement of President Obama’s Offshore Drilling Plan Bill Passed – House
(253 – 170)
July 19, 2012 HR 5856 Department of Defense Appropriations Act, 2013 Bill Passed – House
(326 – 90)
July 19, 2012 H Amdt 1416 Prohibits Use of Funds in Contravention of the Defense of Marriage Act Amendment Adopted – House
(247 – 166)
July 12, 2012 HR 4402 National Strategic and Critical Minerals Production Act of 2012 Bill Passed – House
(256 – 160)
July 11, 2012 HR 6079 Repeals the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act of 2010 Bill Passed – House
(244 – 185)
June 21, 2012 HR 4480 Domestic Energy and Jobs Act Bill Passed – House
(248 – 163)
June 19, 2012 HR 2578 Conservation and Economic Growth Act Bill Passed – House
(232 – 188)
June 7, 2012 HR 5855 Department of Homeland Security Appropriations Act for 2013 Bill Passed – House
(234 – 182)
June 7, 2012 HR 436 Repeals Excise Tax on Medical Devices Bill Passed – House
(270 – 146)
May 31, 2012 H Amdt 1160 Project Labor Agreements Amendment Adopted – House
(218 – 198)
May 31, 2012 HR 3541 Prenatal Nondiscrimination Act (PRENDA) of 2012 Bill Failed – House
(246 – 168)
May 18, 2012 HR 4310 National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2013 Bill Passed – House
(299 – 120)
May 18, 2012 H Amdt 1127 Repeals Indefinite Military Detention Provisions Amendment Rejected – House
(182 – 238)
May 18, 2012 H Amdt 1140 Prohibits Reductions to Strategic Nuclear Arms Required by New START Amendment Adopted – House
(238 – 162)
May 17, 2012 H Amdt 1103 Limits Funding for War in Afghanistan to the Withdrawal of U.S. Forces Amendment Rejected – House
(113 – 303)
May 16, 2012 HR 4970 Violence Against Women Reauthorization Act of 2012 Bill Passed – House
(222 – 205)
May 10, 2012 HR 5652 Sequester Replacement Reconciliation Act of 2012 Bill Passed – House
(218 – 199)
May 9, 2012 HR 2072 Export-Import Bank Reauthorization Act of 2012 Bill Passed – House
(330 – 93)
May 9, 2012 H Amdt 1096 Prohibits Use of Funds in Contravention with the Defense of Marriage Act Amendment Adopted – House
(245 – 171)
April 27, 2012 HR 4628 Extending Student Loan Interest Rates Bill Passed – House
(215 – 195)
April 26, 2012 HR 3523 Cyber Intelligence Sharing and Protection Act Bill Passed – House
(248 – 168)
April 19, 2012 HR 9 Income Tax Deduction for Small Businesses Bill Passed – House
(235 – 173)
April 18, 2012 HR 4348 Extension of Surface Transportation Funding and Approval of the Keystone XL Pipeline Bill Passed – House
(293 – 127)
March 29, 2012 H Con Res 112 Limits Federal Appropriations for Fiscal Years 2013-2022 (“Ryan Budget”) Joint Resolution Passed – House
(228 – 191)
Feb. 29, 2012 HR 1837 Water Resources in the Sacramento-San Joaquin Valley Bill Passed – House
(246 – 175)

Christopher 'Chris' Patrick Gibson
Full Name: Christopher ‘Chris’ Patrick Gibson
Current Office: U.S. House – District 19, Republican
First Elected: 11/02/2010

Next Election: 2014
On The Ballot: Won, Conservative, Republican, Independence for U.S. House – District 19

Family: Wife: Mary Jo; 3 Children: Katie, Maggie, Connor
Birth Date: 05/13/1964

Gibson: US cannot be world policemen anymore

11 Feb
Gay Democrat Sean Eldridge, husband of New Republic owner/editor and Facebook founder Chris Hughes, has filed papers to run against Gibson.  We have not researched Gibson’s voting history on individual rights or gay issues.

Gibson: US cannot be world policemen anymore
Gibson addresses his Veterans’ Advisory Board

KINGSTON – Congressman Christopher Gibson told his Veterans Advisory Board meeting in Kingston on Monday that as the war in Afghanistan winds down, the US can no longer play the role of world policeman as it has since the end of the Cold War.

Gibson said while al Qaeda is “a determined enemy” bent on destroying the Western World, the US must change its military mission.

“If we think differently then I think we can reorganize our armed forces and we can still have the world’s most formidable armed forces and deter other nations that would want to do us harm without putting us in all these spots all over the world,” he said.